Navigating Niger
Navigating Niger
From the Atlantic Ocean to the Red Sea, the Sahel stretches, from west to east, across the underbelly of the Sahara desert, Senegal to Sudan.
It does not get more complicated than Niger for President Biden. The entire African continent (as well as Putin and jihadist fighters in the Sahel) were watching as the coup leaders snubbed the Acting Deputy Secretary of State Victoria Nuland on Monday in refusing to see her. And for some reason — Russian bots? Republican agonistes? — Nuland was trending on Twitter, and not in a positive manner, in the AM (but none dare call it sexism).
Still, it is long past time for America to step up its diplomacy game in Africa, and not merely to benefit corporations or as a strategic hedge against some overhyped spectre of Communism as has been the historical strategy. “… (E)ven better — it is the right and moral thing to do by the continent, where America has not always been a benign influence,” as I wrote last month.
The problem is, America does not come to this geopolitical conversation with clean hands. And neither does France (especially). "Will all great Neptune's ocean wash this blood clean from my hand?” asked Shakespeare in the Scottish play. “No, this my hand will rather the multitudinous seas incarnadine, making the green one red.”
The vicious legacy of colonialism — and, in the case of America, neocolonialism — is a painful negative memory reverberating across the continent; one that must be dealt with seriously, not with gimmicky reset buttons. Russia, by contrast, has made a powerful argument — through their history of anti-imperialist solidarity — that the West cannot be trusted with African interests. And they have a point, up to a point.
Why should any African country trust America? Overthrowing African governments is, quite frankly, an American specialty. During the Cold War, the United States supplied the white supremacist South African apartheid regime with the Safari-1 nuclear research reactor as well as about 100 kilograms of weapon-grade uranium fuel, cementing its insidious grip. In addition, the CIA was complicit in the assassination of Patrice Lumumba, who is considered a great African statesman and anti-colonialist martyr. But we don’t even have to go back that far to find American cruelties visited upon Africa in broad daylight. In 1971, Nixon and Reagan, one President, one soon-to-become President, referred to Africans representing their countries at the United Nations as “monkeys.” Tim Naftali of The Atlantic puts it all into repulsive historical perspective:
The day after the United Nations voted to recognize the People’s Republic of China, then–California Governor Ronald Reagan phoned President Richard Nixon at the White House and vented his frustration at the delegates who had sided against the United States. “Last night, I tell you, to watch that thing on television as I did,” Reagan said. “Yeah,” Nixon interjected. Reagan forged ahead with his complaint: “To see those, those monkeys from those African countries—damn them, they’re still uncomfortable wearing shoes!” Nixon gave a huge laugh.
Full disclosure: My father was a Ugandan diplomat for much of the 1970s, including during the time of this conversation. So there’s that.
There’s more; American benign neglect (and worse) of Africa is bipartisan. Bill Clinton, then-leader of perhaps the only country that could have halted the Rwandan genocide, shrugged. And, 24-years later, it was reported that President Trump referred to African nations — as well as Haiti and El Salvador — as “shithole countries.” Charmed, I’m sure.
All that having been said, Russia’s present and very keen interest in African minerals — diamonds and gold, in particular — can hardly be seen as acts of anti-imperialist solidarity. Further, Yevgeny Prigozhin has personally generated about $250 million from activities in Africa and in the killing fields of Syria that can only be properly construed under the category of “megadeath.” The natural resources of Mali, Sudan and the Central African Republic are being used to leapfrog sanctions and fund the Ukraine War. A war, incidentally, in the world’s “breadbasket,” that has exacerbated food inflation throughout the African continent, destabilizing governments. Even Jolof — a simple West African meal staple — is almost twice the regular cost. Vladimir Putin is not Africa’s friend …
A strong argument, by the way, could be made for this thusness being largely the fault of France. Leonard Mbulle-Nziege and Nic Cheeseman explain African Francophobia in the Sahel on BBC Online:
Colonel Abdoulaye Maiga, who was named prime minister by the military junta in Mali in September 2022, launched a scathing attack on France.
Criticising "neocolonialist, condescending, paternalist and vengeful policies", Mr Maiga alleged that France had "disowned universal moral values" and stabbed Mali "in the back".
Anti-French vitriol has also flourished in Burkina Faso, where the military government ended a long-standing accord that allowed French troops to operate in the country in February, giving France one month to remove its forces.
In Niger, which neighbours both countries, allegations that President Mohamed Bazoum was a puppet for French interests were used to legitimise his removal from power, and five military deals with France have since been revoked by the junta led by Gen Abdourahmane Tchiani. Partly as a result, the coup was followed by popular protests and attacks on the French embassy.
All of this almost makes me wonder why President Joe Biden, a fundamentally decent man, would want to spend his winter years ushering America up from neoliberalism as well as navigating an incredibly complicated, high stakes diplomatic relationship like Niger.
And then there is the very real question of jihadists in the Sahel. From the Atlantic Ocean to the Red Sea, the Sahel stretches, from west to east, across the underbelly of the Sahara desert, Senegal to Sudan. The Sahel is of interest to the West for many reasons, not the least of which are that it is a massive flashpoint of sub-Saharan and West African migration (Immigration) due to climate change as well as a stronghold of jihadist terrorists (National Security). But what is in it for the Sahel? Why should the region help the West, who has been, over the centuries, naught else but brutalist? The Great Green Wall, launched by the African Union in 2007, stretching more than 8,000 km across the continent — to combat climate change and the desertification of the region — is a fine idea. It behooves the West to help see this flourish. But it is not enough. Not nearly enough.
What is to be done?
First, America must disentangle itself from France. Despite the fact that this is in the larger sense a battle of democracy against two strains of authoritarianism, one secular, the other religious extremist. The United States has a treacherous history in Africa, but not nearly as dark and twisty as France’s.
Second, America must stop speaking in unilateralist hues and tones. Relationships on the continent have to be bilateral, respectful and never, ever in the key of the Lord-Bondsman dialectic, particularly because of the history between the two countries. It is all too easy for an African populist to weaponize snubs against America — and even easier against the widely detested France — into widely-reported episodes that raise a regime’s public approval. Why not send someone like Barack Obama to negotiate? I will admit, it would be a tremendous foreign policy gamble, one that might even redound against Biden’s re-election coverage for a few news cycles at least — but why not? Why not do bold foreign policy thinking? It would be hard, if not politically impossible, for a West African junta to snub a popular son of Africa. And how better to signal seriousness of intent and diplomatic respect than to send a former head of state? China only got Kissinger, and well-passed his own expiration date.
Third, as I mentioned, America must do bold policy thinking. America must reverse the African perception of it, and fast. It must also, at the same time, solve the twin immigration and national security crises that arise from the region. The bold policy thinking must come in the arenas of economic development and growth, ways that foster independence (“bilateral, respectful”), not dependence — think: South Korea. Howard French, in Foreign Policy, gets it just about right:
If the West wishes to avoid the worst consequences of the threats it has prioritized in Africa— Islamic radicalism and migration—it will have to find much more effective ways of promoting African economic growth and development than it ever has before. And in doing so, it must avoid its reflexive tendency to think that it always knows best and then impose its political pressures and cultural dogmas on African states. As essential as it is, this kind of humility will not come easily to Washington, Paris, or Brussels. But now is the time.
Western leaders must learn to have real and extended conversations with African states on a broad range of issues about how to enhance the prospects of the Sahel’s weak and imperiled countries. It is only through this kind of engagement that African priorities can be placed at the top of the agenda, that trust and goodwill can be established, and that fundamental and lasting positive changes in the lives of the citizens of these fragile states can be achieved.
French, not just dealing in abstracts, proposes by way of example innovative funding for education — particularly girls education in the Sahel. And why not technology? Why can’t the Sahel have technology hubs? Education and technology hubs seem a good start to a much longer conversation of making things right with the West and the Sahel.
Finally — and this is a long term goal — America must apologize. Not for slavery. The perpetrators of those crimes are long in their tombs. But for the wages of neocolonialism. Because the United States can never be taken seriously in the African street until it distinguishes itself from the Cold Warriors no longer in power that treated the continent as naught else but dispensable. President Biden, a decent man who once headed the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, is the right man for the job. Lisa Zingarini of Vatican News reports on Pope Francis, who in April apologized for Christian believers that participated in colonialism in Africa and America:
Colonialism is still there, but it is more “refined” and “subtle”, and justifies the new practices of domination “with claimed ‘natural’ deficiencies of the colonized”. In this context, the “frontal warfare” of old colonial times has been replaced today by “asymmetric conflicts and lawfare.”
In this regard, Pope Francis remarked that we should never forget that the concrete expressions of justice and the common good mature in peoples, each with their “stories, origins, traditions, and religions”, which must be respected as such.
“This is why”, he said, "no power – political, economic, ideological – is entitled to unilaterally determine the identity of a nation or a social group”. Subjugating peoples by force or through cultural and political penetration is to be considered a crime “because there are no chances for peace in a world that discards peoples and oppresses to loot”, the Pope stressed.
Such an apology can only take place after the election of 2024, of course. I anticipate that Biden will win, unless the third and forth parties sap enough votes away from the Democrat party. But even if he loses (Lord help us), Biden should make the apology as no matter what, as it will be his last election. Such beliefs cannot be held against him electorally by the No-Apologies waterheads. JD Vance and Steve Bannon will, no doubt, cavil; but fuck them, really. Rule by testosterone should be relegated to the animal kingdom. Ultimately, it is the right thing to do. It will create the prolegomenon to any future, productive, multilateral diplomacy with the African continent. It will create a great foreign policy legacy for Biden. It will put America on a stronger footing in Africa, opening up (some) minds that are presently closed to the notion of America as a friend, not a master.
And, finally, it will start a conversation as to whether Russia and China are truly better for the Continent than the Unites States. That is a conversation that cannot happen right now, because every time such a conversation begins it is drowned out by accusations of neo-colonialism.
William Friedkin Meets Bret Easton Ellis (The Bret Easton Ellis Podcast)
“Artists, too, were bamboozled by Netflix’s sexy new model of overpaying everyone up front in order to exclusively control the back end and keep any quantifiable audience response hidden, globally, forever.” (The Ankler)
“Mr. Schlossberg’s denunciation underscored the turmoil inside what remains of Camelot. Bobby, as the 69-year-old candidate is called, has become a source of deep anguish among his many siblings, cousins, nieces and nephews, one that is testing the bonds of what was once known as the royal family of American politics. His relatives by and large do not want him to run, do not support his campaign, disdain his conspiratorial musings and almost universally admire Mr. Biden, a longtime friend of the family who keeps a bust of Robert F. Kennedy Sr. in the Oval Office.” (Peter Baker/NYT)
“It’s crazy to think that giving the Saudis these things is in the US national interest. After what Mohammed bin Salman did with US weaponry in Yemen, you want to give him more? You think that, for a man like this, it would be a good idea for the US to help make it easier for him to have a civilian nuclear program that he could easily then probably divert towards a military nuclear program? A nuclear Saudi Arabia would be a good idea, given we don’t even know—not just Mohammed bin Salman—what could happen after Mohammed bin Salman in that country?” (Peter Beinart)
“In today’s world, which is very different from the newly technological world of the ’90s, forever-romances are those relationships or commitments that last six to 10 years. That’s forever. There’s nothing more forever than this accumulation of even-numbered years—it’s rare for them to last seven or 11; they’re always even—shared by two people in hopes of remaining stable, accompanied, and safe.” (Camila Fabbri, Robin Myers/ LARB)
“One afternoon in May, I watched Whitmer record a series of TikTok videos in her ‘ceremonial office,’ used for bill signings and photo shoots, which was decorated with portraits of past Michigan governors, many of them sporting muttonchops. Whitmer has wavy chestnut hair and a prominent chin that she dropped like a gavel at the start of each take. When she recorded a video wishing happy anniversary to the Ford Motor Company, a man in the room mentioned that his first car was a Ford Focus, which had been impounded for unpaid parking tickets. ‘I know so many young men who had their car impounded for parking tickets,’ Whitmer said. ‘Sorry if that sounds sexist. I don’t know as many women.’” (Benjamin Wallace-Wells/ TNY)